Oliver wrote:
In recent times, it has been seen that WTI trades at a heavy discount (as high as $7 per barrel) to Brent. Logically, WTI is a higher grade crude and should trade at a higher price. So, what is the reason for this divergence from the norm?
The last time we saw such a divergence it was due to strike at the Fos-Lavera oil terminal near Marseille (France) or to political tensions with Nigeria and Iran because their oil grades are priced according to a Brent-based formula so as the political situation gets tense, Brent shows a bigger increase in prices. But this time a don't see anything like these or do i miss a news ?
It is more pronounced at the front-end of the curve and less so the farther out you go. The contango is very wide. Looking at the front months it is about 40% annualized from Brent, and for WTI even more pronounced due to an over-suppy in the front month. This reflects an over-supply in physical crude for the domestic US market versus a more balanced picture for the rest of the world.
Crack margins are terrible. Between $5-10 per barrel. The margins for heating oil/diesel are still quite attractive at around $12-17 per barrel, but gasoline (or RBOB) is a paltery $1-2 per barrel depending on which futures month you look at. If refiners do not have any front demand for gasoline then they are not going to big buyers of crude either.
There is also the problem in the longer term that WTI is becoming less of a global benchmark even though it is a lighter, sweeter grade than Brent. Simply because the USA is producing less oil, while worldwide production and consumption is growing faster elsewhere. The trend is for heavier, more sour grades that require more refining, but are more plentiful. Should their price reflect unique supply and demand fundamentals in the USA or do we need new global benchmarks that have less basis risk than WTI.
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So here’s the situation: the economy is facing its worst slump in decades. The usual response to an economic downturn, cutting interest rates, isn’t working. Large-scale government aid looks like the only way to end the economic nosedive.
But there’s a problem: conservative politicians, clinging to an out-of-date ideology — and, perhaps, betting (wrongly) that their constituents are relatively well positioned to ride out the storm — are standing in the way of action.
No, I’m not talking about Bob Corker, the Senator from Nissan — I mean Tennessee — and his fellow Republicans, who torpedoed last week’s attempt to buy some time for the U.S. auto industry. (Why was the plan blocked? An e-mail message circulated among Senate Republicans declared that denying the auto industry a loan was an opportunity for Republicans to “take their first shot against organized labor.”)
I am, instead, talking about Angela Merkel, the German chancellor, and her economic officials, who have become the biggest obstacles to a much-needed European rescue plan.
source:
European Crass Warfare
I have already commented directly to Paul Krugman on this article as well as contributed to the comments section of his blog to another of his posts on this topic. As many posters have pointed out Germany as well as many EU members of the EMU are and have been running budget deficits that are by their nature stimulative. No one is making the mistake of tightening either monetary or fiscal policy in the current global slowdown, although many think the ECB is being too cautious. However, they do not have a twin mandate like the Fed, so their priority is always fighting inflation first.
The challenge to countries like Germany is to maintain spending as social demands rise along with unemployment, while tax receipts decrease due to the economic slowdown. This will temporarily test the upper bands for EMU members on debts and deficits. Many countries routinely break the Maastricht Criterion already that threatens the very stability of the eurozone. Witness the widening spreads between German bunds and Italian or Greek government bonds.
Basically, Dr. Krugman greatly over-estimates the limits of Keynesian policy by debtor nations, and in Britain and France he finds willing converts to the idea that we can spend our way out of this financial crisis. A crisis that has been caused by global financial imbalances as many countries ran large, persistant, structural deficits, and then exacerbated those imbalances by borrowing the capital to service those debts and deficits. This is far removed from the pure Keynesian idea that budgets should be balanced over the normal business cycle, while governments run temporary deficits during slowdowns, but pay down debt during recoveries. The bastard child that governments can run deficits all the time, and increase them during recessions is not sound economics. It is bound to lead to asset bubbles and busts.
Germany best serves itself and the global economy by being a responsible power and not lurching into excessive deficit spending just because its neighbors would like it to. It already offers generous support for low income earners, the unemployed and seniors as well as healthcare for unemployed workers that is a great social safety net in a recession. It also has an excellent public transport network. So it is far more important to financially support that basic infrastructure and safety net rather than give consumers a one-off cut in VAT that worsens public finances in the long-run, while adding very little extra spending to the economy in the short-term.
If there is little consumer demand then lowering VAT is no more an effective strategy then dropping interest rates if consumers and businesses are unwilling to borrow and banks are even less willing to lend. Both are like pushing on a string. Those that have money are in no hurry to borrow, and those that need to borrow are not credit worthy. As many posters subsequently pointed out Dr. Krugman's math was off as to the money multiplier effect of such a stimulus, and he also failed to take into account the second degree Ricardian implications. So not only was his argument flawed, but his numbers were not very solid either.
That he would use the bully pulpit of his recent Noble prize to criticize Ms Merckel, Mr. Steinbrueck and Germany for not blindly following the crass fiscal advice of England and France ignores that it was their own reckless spending policies that contributed to those global financial imbalances in the first place. Not Germany's low, slow growth since reunification and the introduction of the euro that Germany has painfully endured to put its finances on a solid footing and to live within the means of the Maastricht Criteria.
This was more of a cynical move by Mr. Brown to salvage his reputation for financial stewardship that now lies in tatters. And, of course, Mr. Sarkozy not only loves the spot-light, but France never passes up the opportunity to try to spend someone else's money. Germany is completely within its rights to explore how best it can stimulate Europe's largest economy without bowing to half-baked plans cooked up in a panic by cynical leaders with their own political agendas and Dr. Krugman's Keynesian ideology on steroids.
Carlos wrote:
Quote:
2 things:
1. the process of giving away credits based on past emissions - grandfathering - will all but disappear after 2012, when there will be auctions (with loopholes, like Poland's case)
2. a global tax sure is easy to negotiate, with all partners worldwide. We all know that. Than, the fact that we all use the same currency, with the same value, in every country makes it really efficient to have a tax like the one you propose. Also, all countries have effectively equal abatement costs. Sure.
Really, when you really delve into it, it makes some sense. It's not perfect, I grant you, but with the auctions and letting the market work, this might help.
Carlos, I believe you need cap & trade as well as carbon taxes to both cut emissions in absolute terms instead of just shifting them around and to reduce demand for dirty energy by increasing its price to end-users or consumer. They both need to be used in tandem.
The current system of cap & trade is insufficient. It is too ridden with loopholes, and the whole concept of grandfathering, granting exceptions, opting certain industries out, etc., show how susceptible such a system is to political interference. Dirty industries cannot make the necessary investments in their plant to cut emissions unless they have clear, long-term goals as well as efficient markets that correctly send proper price signals.
Also, a global system is far preferable to a piece-meal one where standards and efficiency vary widely. However, this is usually shorthand for calling on rich countries to subsidize poorer ones whereas developed countries are already losing manufacturing jobs to lesser developed countries where the ground rules on environmental, labor and safety standards are not always fair to say the least. This amounts to little more than paying poorer countries to take our jobs away. Whether or not this is good public policy depends on how the losers are compensated.
One huge problem that I see with carbon credits in emerging countries is long-term monitoring of performance. It is all well and fine to spend money to buy credits, but once that money is spent who controls what happens 5-10 years down the road. Those protected forests may be illegally harvested. If a country runs out of heating oil or natural gas then poor residents may cut down those trees for fuel. This certainly happened to the ancient cedars in Lebanon during their civil war there. It can happen elsewhere. But also there is good, old fashioned green mail. Poor countries may come back to donor nations at some point in the future for a second fill-up to protect those already supposedly protected forests. Rich world anti-globalization protesters might even support such moves as a form of debt forgiveness as has happened with low-cost loans in the past that are unrepayable. Trust is good, but control is better.
International treaties have not stopped illegal logging; trade in endangered species; the illegal ivory trade or poaching; whaling; over-fishing; etc. So I am quite dubious that we can implement a global system of cap & trade with iron-clad rules on carbon set asides that will stand the test of time. That does not mean we should not work in this direction, but we have to be aware of unintended consequences. In the meantime, carbon taxes are an immediate way to reduce consumption of dirty energy by using price as its rationing mechanism. Hit 'em where it counts.